Author: sldp admin

Media advisory: 16 December 2025

* Groups call for an investigation into Bashar Al -Assad, Asmaa Al- Assad and key officials for the crime against humanity of enforced disappearance
* Argentina uniquely placed to investigate enforced disappearance, including the removal of children from their families and concealment of their identities

Families and survivors of the Truth and Justice Charter (TJC), the Association of Detainees and Missing of Sednaya Prison (ADMSP), and the Syrian Legal Development Programme (SLDP), with the legal support of Estudio Durrieu and their Foundation for International Victims, filed a criminal complaint within Argentina’s federal justice system on 5th December calling for the opening of an investigation into the responsibility of former President Bashar al-Assad, Asma’ al-Assad and key Syrian regime officials for crimes against humanity of enforced disappearance. Today, the groups explain what the case means for search for truth and justice.

The complaint focuses on crimes against humanity of enforced disappearance, with a particular emphasis on the systematic disappearance of children through arbitrary detention, removal from their families and the long-term concealment of their fate and whereabouts.

The case is brought under the principle of universal jurisdiction, which empowers Argentina’s federal courts to investigate and prosecute international crimes, regardless of where they were committed or the nationality of perpetrators or victims. Argentina has played a pioneering role in prosecuting crimes of enforced disappearance, including those involving the removal and identity suppression of children.

Fatima Al Wahidi from the Charter group, mother of Mohannad Omar, who has been forcibly disappeared since 2012, and received documents in November 2025 indicating that he had been executed in Sednaya Prison, said:

“Just as the mothers and grandmothers of Argentina led the path to justice; defying silence, fear, and denial, and changing history through their struggle, we, the Syrian mothers, follow their footsteps with unwavering faith.

“Just as we carried the photos of our sons and daughters in every square before the fall of the regime, we will continue our journey today, pursuing the criminals wherever they may be, until we achieve for our children the justice, freedom, and dignity they dreamed of.”

Sana Kikhia, Executive Director at the Syrian Legal Development Programme (SLDP) said:

“This case reflects the essence of transnational judicial solidarity: the understanding that when crimes against humanity are committed, every state has a duty to use all means at its disposal within their jurisdiction, including universal jurisdiction, to support justice efforts, and to ensure there is no safe haven for those responsible and no barrier to truth for survivors. Justice for Syrians is a collective responsibility, and Argentina, rooted in its own leadership in confronting enforced disappearance, can stand as a powerful act of solidarity with Syrian families and the ongoing Syrian-led pursuit of accountability.”

Malak Awdeh, mother of the child Maher Khankan, who was arrested from his school in 2012, said:

“My son’s disappearance from his school desk was not a mysterious fate, but an ongoing crime, a continuous form of cruel and inhuman punishment for both him and me.”

Reem Qari, mother of the child Karim Tarjoman, who was arrested with his father and his father’s friend at a military checkpoint in rural Homs in 2013, said:

“Since the disappearance of my son Karim when he was only two and a half years old, along with his father at an Assad-regime military checkpoint, I have seen his face in every child I pass, in the streets, the markets, in every place I go. Karim is growing and changing far away from me, while I have not found a single thread that could lead me back to him.”

The complaint is a part of a broader set of work by families and legal experts, to advance truth and justice for families of the disappeared and of missing children, inside and outside Syria.

Argentina’s own transitional justice process and the tireless work of the families’ associations in Argentina established groundbreaking jurisprudence and investigative mechanisms for pursuing truth and justice for individuals and children disappeared.

Wafa Mustafa, Advocacy Manager at The Syria Campaign, and daughter of Ali Mustafa, forcibly disappeared since 2013 said:

“Since the fall of Assad a year ago, thousands of families have been calling for truth and justice for their loved ones, including families whose children were abducted by the regime and their fate, identities and whereabouts remain unknown. The international community and the interim authorities in Syria must not spare any effort to answer these demands. Justice for the crime of enforced disappearance is essential to ensure that Syria’s future is not built on denial, silence, or impunity.”

ENDS

Notes to editors

1. The Truth and Justice Charter is a coalition of victim and family associations advocating for justice and accountability.
2. To organize interviews with families, survivors or legal experts please contact:

For speakers from SLDP, Veronica Bellintani (English/Arabic/Spanish): v.bellintani@sldp.ngo

For speakers from the Charter group:Joud al-Hammade (English/Arabic): joud.alhammadeh@tjcharter.org

For speakers from ADMSP: Hanan Halimah (English/Arabic): hanan.h@admsp.org

Estudio Durrieu/Foundation for International Victims (English/Spanish): tag@victimsinternational.org and rdf@durrieu-lex.com (legal counsels for the filing parties)

Or: media@thesyriacampaign.org

Reference: https://thesyriacampaign.org/survivors-lawyers-and-families-of-syrias-disappeared-file-historic-complaint-in-argentina-against-assad/

At the 14th UN Forum on Business and Human Rights in Geneva last month, the panel ’Strengthening Accountability for Environmental Harm: Pathways for Transformative Business Practices’ offered a striking reminder of how the deeply the global conversation on environmental protection has shifted. No longer framed as a technical or sectoral concern, environmental destruction is increasingly recognised as a human rights crisis, a driver of instability, and, most notably, a potential international crime.

The normative framework already places a responsibility on public and private actors to refrain from posing environmental harm. The UN Guiding Principles on Business and Human Rights sets expectations for businesses to respect both human rights and the environment, including international humanitarian law in situations of armed conflict—which provides a number of normative prescriptions in relation to the environment in international and non-international armed conflicts. In July 2022, the UN General Assembly adopted a resolution recognising the right to a clean, healthy and sustainable environment, underscoring the interdependent nature of human rights and environmental protection. While the Rome Statute offers limited environmental protection in non-international armed conflicts, environmental damage may still constitute material elements of other crimes—such as the war crime of pillage. Still, a gap remains: the law struggles to capture deliberate, systematic, and profit-driven environmental harm.

In Syria, the fragmentation of political and economic governance, the destruction of infrastructure, and the collapse of state oversight have produced some of the region’s most severe environmental crises. In the northeast, the dismantling of formal oil infrastructure and the delegation of extraction to contractors associated with armed non-state actors triggered the proliferation of primitive oil “burners”. These makeshift refineries, run by local businesses and informal networks, produced thick plumes of toxic smoke, radioactive by-products, and riverbank contamination. Communities continue to bear the health burdens: cancers, miscarriages, respiratory disease, poisoned water supplies, and degraded soil.

Furthermore, fuel scarcity and economic desperation fuelled a thriving black-market logging industry. Organised traders, charcoal producers, armed groups, and business actors linked to political elites profited from large-scale deforestation across various regions. Compounding this, many forest fires were deliberately set—sometimes by business elites tied to the Assad regime—seeking to clear land for construction, industrial use, or lucrative charcoal production. These fires have erased destroyed livelihoods and permanently altered fragile ecosystems.

Against the backdrop of stark environmental devastation globally, and the lack of political will to regulate unfettered corporate power and enforce accountability, the momentum around recognising ecocide as an international crime has grown rapidly.

The Independent Expert Panel for the Legal Definition of Ecocide proposed in 2021 that:

“Ecocide” means unlawful or wanton acts committed with knowledge that there is a substantial likelihood of severe and either widespread or long-term damage to the environment being caused by those acts.

Kate Mackinstosh, Deputy Co-Chair of the Expert Panel, noted that ecocide has been introduced in statutes in Belgium and Chile, while legislative proposals are advancing in Brazil, Mexico, Italy, Scotland, Spain and more. By May 2026, EU Member States will be required to criminalise conduct equivalent to ecocide under the new Environmental Crime Directive. At the international level, small-island developing states, namely Vanuatu, Fiji, and Samoa, as well as the Democratic Republic of Congo, have formally proposed amending the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court to include ecocide as the fifth international crime, alongside genocide, crimes against humanity, war crimes, and aggression. It stands to reason that ecocide is a rapidly evolving legal project, and one that is gaining currency. The question remains: what difference will criminalizing ecocide make?

Mackintosh outlined the key ways in which recognizing ecocide could transform business behaviour and level the playing field:

1. A Higher Level of Deterrence
Civil and administrative penalties rarely deter large corporations. But the allegation of an international crime, combined with the legal, financial, and
reputational fallout for executives and investors fundamentally shifts the risk calculus. Under international criminal law, liability is personal: executives cannot outsource responsibility.

2. Stronger, Earlier, More Meaningful Due Diligence
Ecocide forces companies to rethink projects at inception, not after harm occurs. Businesses must ask:
Is this project fundamentally safe? Who bears the risk? Are vulnerable communities disproportionately exposed?

3. Removing the Burden from Victims
Civil litigation places the burden on victims to seek justice. Criminal law shifts accountability to the state and international community: environmental destruction becomes recognised not as a private dispute but as a crime that affects humanity as a whole.

Syria’s current environmental legislation remains poorly enforced and ill-suited to the scale of wartime destruction. The political transition offers a rare opportunity to modernise these laws to reflect the country’s current crises. As reconstruction-linked

investment flows begin to pour into the high-risk setting, a robust criminal code has never been more critical.

At the Human Rights and Business Unit, we have consistently highlighted the legal and financial risks businesses face when they fail to account for environmental and conflict-related harms. Our recent recommendations to companies exploring investment in Syria emphasise environmental due diligence as integral to conflict-sensitive, rights-respecting business conduct. In November 2025, shortly before the UN Forum, we hosted Syria’s first conference on business and human rights, dedicating a full panel to the environmental challenges of reconstruction. The transitional government will have the responsibility—and the opportunity—to build a robust regulatory framework that reins in foreign investors, protects communities, and prioritises sustainable recovery.

Criminalising ecocide would not solve Syria’s long standing environmental challenges, but it would set a powerful normative baseline: no actor, business or otherwise, may profit from the destruction of Syria’s environment without facing the highest level of accountability.

As Mackintosh put it:

“Ecocide is not a silver bullet, but it does shift incentives in a powerful way…When incentives change, behaviour changes.”

Written by: Alreem Kamal, Legal Officer at the Human Rights & Business Unit of SLDP

On the first anniversary of the fall of the Assad regime, we mark a defining moment in Syria’s modern history.

This day stands as a reminder of the profound suffering Syrians endured, and of the collective determination to rebuild a country grounded in justice, dignity, and the rule of law.

Over the past year, the Syrian Legal Development Programme (SLDP) has contributed to shaping the early foundations of this transition through principled work and close coordination with Syrian civil society, victims’ and survivors’ associations, national institutions, UN mechanisms, and states.

Throughout 2025, SLDP’s work contributed to several core advances in Syria’s justice and human rights landscape:
* Elevating the rights of communities most affected by violations: SLDP supported survivors of chemical attacks, families of the disappeared, displaced communities, and residents affected by housing, land, and property (HLP) rights violations, ensuring their perspectives guide transitional justice and accountability efforts

* Designing victim-centered initiatives involving affected community groups on HLP rights violations, and conducting high-level engagements in Syria. This model aimed to support transitional justice efforts and offer a blueprint for addressing HLP violations nationwide. SLDP also began mapping businesses involved in HLP rights violations for future engagement and accountability work and engagement with the UN Special Rapporteur on the right to adequate housing.

* Strengthening victims’ participation and influence: SLDP supported associations of victims of human rights violations committed by all parties to engage with the National Commission on Missing Persons and the National Commission on Transitional Justice, advancing victims’ participation as a central principle guiding emerging transitional mechanisms.

* Enhancing state–civil society engagement: Through structured briefings at the Human Rights Council, and bilateral meetings, SLDP contributed to improving states’ understanding of the human rights situation in Syria following the fall of the Assad regime and to align their positions with Syrians’ human rights, democratic transformation, and justice priorities.

* Advancing transnational judicial solidarity for the pursuit of justice against the Syrian regime: SLDP and victims and families groups will soon share updates on a new universal jurisdiction case in Argentina. More details to be shared.

* Ensuring the strategic role of UN Human Rights Bodies: Through sustained engagement with UN Human Rights Bodies, including Special Procedures and Treaty-Based Bodies, SLDP supported efforts to ensure UN Bodies will play a strategic role in Syria’s new phase to advance, amplify and support Syrian-led calls for reform, accountability, and human rights protection after the fall of Assad.

* Supporting national transitional justice architecture: By co-developing, convening, and facilitating the Transitional Justice Coordination Group — comprising around 50 Syrian organisations — SLDP helped develop shared principles on truth, remedy, and guarantees of non-recurrence now informing national institutions.

* Building the legal foundations of the transition: SLDP produced analyses on constitutional obligations, criminal justice pathways and reform, and electoral frameworks which are now used by national commissions, policymakers, and international partners in their work during Syria’s transitional phase.

* Embedding human rights safeguards in reconstruction and the economy: Through its Human Rights and Business Unit, SLDP advanced human rights due diligence standards vis-a-vis ministries, UN agencies, businesses, and donors, and convened Syria’s first conference on Business and Human Rights
— setting golden standards for rights-based economic recovery.

* Advancing sanctions-related advocacy by issuing a position paper endorsing the lifting of sectoral sanctions while maintaining individual sanctions against human rights abusers—an approach later adopted by multiple civil society groups. SLDP has been holding regular meetings with U7 and EU foreign ministries, sanctions desks, and multilateral partners to promote sanctions relief aligned with human rights protections and economic stabilization in the post-Assad context.

* Raising awareness of business’ human rights responsibilities across key areas—including reconstruction and HLP rights, responsible investment, and environmental protection—through targeted outreach sessions, publications, and social media engagement. SLDP has also advocated for business respect for human rights in Syria at major international forums, including the UNDP Global Programme Annual Meeting, the ICAR Annual Meeting, the Africa–Arab States Regional Dialogue on BHR, and events on Syrian asset recovery and the establishment of a Syrian Victims Fund.

* Advocating strongly for the integration of Human Rights Due Diligence (HRDD) in all our meetings with government officials and humanitarian actors, emphasizing that reconstruction and development efforts must be firmly grounded in a human rights centred approach. By promoting HRDD, we aimed to ensure that emerging policies and programmes uphold the rights, dignity, and protection of affected communities throughout every stage of recovery and development.

One year on, the transition remains fragile, and the foundations for a rights-based future must be strengthened.

SLDP remains committed to working with all partners — Syrian and international — to support truth, justice, institutional reform, and non-recurrence, and to contribute constructively to a Syria where dignity is protected and accountability is the norm.

Our commitment continues — for a just, transparent, and rights-centred future for all.

“ We may have a hundred reasons to be afraid, but we have a million reasons to be hopeful. Over the past year, Syria’s civil society has moved from watching the world rush to normalixe a criminal regime to standing firmly beside our people in Syria—engaging national bodies on justice, pressing for accountability for all victims of violations before and a er 8 December 2024, and driving the conversation forward. This is a moment of defiance and determination, held together by a growing hope.”

— Sana Kikkia, Executive Director, Syrian Legal Development Programme

TO THE SYRIAN GOVERNMENT

Ensure a Holistic National Response to CW across Ministries and within Transitional Justice Framework
A holistic approach to transitional justice requires that the Syrian government coordinate efforts across all relevant ministries (including justice, health, social affairs, and foreign
affairs) together with the National Commission for Transitional Justice. The government has a duty to guarantee that each ministry incorporates transitional justice considerations into
its sectoral strategies related to CW, thereby fulfilling Syria’s obligations under international human rights and international humanitarian law.

Ratify the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court (ICC)
The Syrian government should ratify the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court (ICC). This step is crucial not only to enable Syria’s engagement with international
accountability mechanisms but also to serve as a structural guarantee of non-repetition, ensuring that future violations of this scale and nature are deterred through credible
avenues for justice.

Continue Full Transparency and Compliance with OPCW Obligations
The Syrian government should continue to engage and cooperate in a genuine and transparent manner with the Organisation for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons (OPCW), including by providing full disclosure of CW sites, production facilities, and stockpiles. The government must also ensure the destruction of remaining CW traces within the country, in compliance with OPCW verification standards.

TO THE NATIONAL COMMISSION FOR TRANSITIONAL JUSTICE

Implement a Comprehensive Survivors-Based Approach to Truth, Justice, Reparations, and Non-Recurrence
The National Commission on Transitional Justice bears the responsibility of designing and implementing a comprehensive strategy that integrates truth-telling, accountability, reparations, and institutional reforms to address the use of Chemical Weapons by the former regime of Bashar al-Assad and ISIS. International standards emphasize the indivisibility of these pillars.

Ensure Criminal Justice Reforms to Effectively Prosecute CW-related Crimes, including by advocating for the Ratification of the Rome Statute
The National Commission for Transitional Justice, as an independent body, should play an active role in advocating for Syria’s ratification of the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court (ICC). In parallel, it should also promote reforms to align Syrian legislation with international criminal law and human rights standards, ensuring that chemical weapons–related crimes, alongside other core international crimes, are properly codified in domestic law and can be effectively prosecuted.

Integrate Domestic Transitional Justice with International Universal Jurisdiction Proceedings
The National Commission for Transitional Justice should establish mechanisms to engage with ongoing universal jurisdiction cases abroad. This includes systematically documenting evidence and coordinating with relevant Syrian civil society organizations, including CW survivors-led groups, and foreign prosecutors. Such integration not only strengthens the credibility of domestic transitional justice measures but also ensures that Syrian victims benefit from accountability processes outside Syria. A fragmented approach that ignores UJ proceedings risks duplicating efforts and undermining victim-centred justice.

Develop Effective Institutional Coordination with International Investigative Mechanisms
The National Commission for Transitional Justice should establish effective institutional coordination procedures and channels with international mechanisms that have documented and collected evidence of CW-related crimes in Syria in the past decade, including the CoI, IIIM and OPCW-mandated entities (FFM, JIM, IIT). The coordination should ensure evidence preservation, consolidation and access to evidence for future domestic prosecutions, in accordance with international law standards.

Apply a Gender-Sensitive Approach to Chemical Weapons-Related Violations
The National Commission for Transitional Justice must ensure that its truth, justice, and reparations strategies incorporate a gender-sensitive perspective in relation to the impact of chemical weapons attacks. Women and girls, as well as men and boys, experienced differentiated harms, including health consequences. Reparations programs must reflect these gendered harms, ensuring access to healthcare and psychosocial support. Such commitment to a gender-sensitive approach must be grounded on and built upon the expertise and experiences of Syrian civil society organizations, including women-led organizations and CW-survivors led groups, which had led this work in the past decade.

Guarantee Victim/Survivor-Centered Approach and Civil Society Engagement and Partnerships in Transitional Justice Processes
The National Commission for Transitional Justice should institutionalize mechanisms to ensure the meaningful participation of victims and survivors of CW attacks, both individually and through victims’ associations, in the design, implementation, and monitoring of transitional justice strategies. Processes must be tailored to prioritize victims’ rights to truth, justice, reparation, and guarantees of non-repetition. The Commission should establish structured engagement with Syrian civil society organizations, which have played a critical role in documenting violations, amplifying victims’ voices, and advancing accountability on the CW file in the past decade. Effective engagement with civil society not only enhances legitimacy and inclusivity but also strengthens oversight and accountability of transitional justice institutions.

TO OPCW STATE PARTIES

Promote Comprehensive Accountability for Chemical Weapons Crimes
While the Syrian government initiates domestic pathways for accountability through the National Commission for Transitional Justice, the international community and States Parties to the OPCW must also play a role in ensuring that perpetrators, enablers, and facilitators of chemical weapons crimes in Syria are held accountable. The pursuit of justice for the victims and survivors of chemical weapons in Syria should not be only a responsibility of the Syrian Government; instead, all States have an international responsibility in ensuring individuals responsible for the use of Chemical Weapons against the Syrian people are brought to justice. This requires complementary and supportive action across several fronts:

* Enforcement of Arrest Warrants: States must cooperate with French judicial authorities and other jurisdictions that have issued arrest warrants against senior Syrian officials.

* Commit to Transnational Judicial Solidarity: All States, in accordance with their international law obligations, bear responsibility to ensure the investigation and prosecution of individuals responsible for the use of CW in Syria. All States should use all means and tools at their disposal and exercise their jurisdiction to ensure investigations of such crimes, and the arrest of an individual present on their territory.

* Preventing Safe Havens: States hosting suspects must not allow their territory to become a refuge for perpetrators. They should conclude extradition agreements with Syria’s government or with other jurisdictions exercising effective jurisdiction on the crimes.

* Corporate and Third-Party Liability: Accountability must extend to companies and intermediaries that supplied chemical precursors or equipment used in Syria’s chemical weapons program. States should investigate and prosecute their national companies that supplied chemical precursors or equipment used in Bashar al-Assad’s chemical weapons program.

Support the Establishment of a Victims’ Fund
To ensure justice and effective remedies for all victims of international crimes in Syria, including but not limited to victims of chemical weapons attacks, the international community could facilitate, in partnership with the Syrian Government and the National Commission for Transitional Justice, the establishment and sustained financing of a dedicated Victims’ Fund. This fund could support in providing reparations to victims of gross human rights violations, in alignment with future reparations programs as outlined by the National Commission for Transitional Justice, and could be funded through different means, including the repurposing of frozen assets of the Assad regime, in agreement with the Syrian Government.

Secure Evidence Preservation from International Mechanisms
Over a decade of investigative work by bodies such as the OPCW Fact-Finding Mission (FFM), the Joint Investigative Mechanism (JIM), and the Investigation and Identification Team (IIT) has produced an unparalleled body of evidence and expertise. As these mechanisms approach the end of their mandates, the international community must ensure effective preservation, consolidation, and accessibility of their archives for future accountability processes. Without sustained investment in preserving these evidentiary and technical records, future prosecutions risk being undermined by evidentiary gaps.

Support Syria’s National Capacity Building Needs
Following the departure of the Assad regime, limited information remains available regarding the so-called Assad Chemical Era. Syrians are facing an exceptionally complex file that requires coordinated national and international efforts. The gravity and urgency of the file highlight an increased need to develop robust national capacities to address the destruction of the Assad chemical arsenal, as well as to prevent and counter the proliferation of chemical weapons within Syria. Accordingly, the international community bears a critical responsibility to support the establishment and strengthening of Syrian national capacities, in line with the priorities and needs identified by Syrians.

Support Syria’s Genuine and Sustained Engagement with the OPCW
Following the fall of the Assad regime, Syria’s government will remain bound by its obligations under the Chemical Weapons Convention (CWC). The international community should provide technical, financial, and political support to enable full cooperation with the Organisation for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons (OPCW).

Revise the Previous Decision regarding Rights and Privileges of Syria as a Member of the OPCW
As part of accountability efforts related to CW crimes by the Assad regime, and due to the failure of the Assad regime to cooperate with the OPCW, the Conference of State Parties in 2021 adopted Decision C-25/DEC.9 to suspend certain rights and privileges of the Syrian Arab Republic under the Convention pursuant to Article XII of the Convention. The decision confirmed that Syria’s rights and privileges will be reinstated by the Conference only once the Director-General has reported that Syria has completed all the required measures laid out in Decision EC-94/DEC.2. State Parties to the OPCW should revise the Decision and consider its repeal, amendment or enactment of a new Decision to ensure the ability for the Syrian Arab Republic to effectively serve as Member of State Parties to the Conference, while also ensuring ongoing monitoring on Syria’s regular compliance with previous Decisions and requirement to resolve all outstanding issues concerning CW in Syria.

Draw Lessons from Syria to Strengthen the Universal Prohibition of Chemical Weapons
The Syrian case illustrates both the catastrophic consequences of chemical weapons use and the critical importance of a robust, enforceable international regime. States should systematically extract and apply lessons learned from the use of CW by the former Bashar al-Assad regime to reinforce global prevention and ensure that no other civilian population will be subjected to the same atrocity crimes in impunity. This includes ensuring consistent political enforcement of the prohibition, closing international legal gaps that allowed perpetrators to evade justice, and ensuring rapid-response mechanisms for investigation, attribution, and effective deterrence.

LIST OF SIGNATORIES
* Action For Sama
* Afak
* Amal Healing and Advocacy Center
* Association for Supporting and Empowering Women
* Association of Detainees and The Missing Sednaya Prison
* Association of Victims of Chemical Weapons
* Balloon
* Bond Community Development Association
* Change Makers
* Civil centre
* CNRD / Civil Network for Rights and Development
* Damma hug
* Dar Justice
* Dawlaty
* Deirna Nexus
* Do Not Suffocate Truth Campaign
* Dozana
* Emissa for Development
* Euphrates Ears
* Eve Humanitarian Association
* For feminist
* Global Harmony Foundation (GHF)
* Green Heart Association
* Hitma for Cultural and Social Development
* Horan Foundation
* House of Citizenship Organization
* Humanitarian Care Cherity
* Innovative powerful vision IPV
* Isharqah Women’s Center
* JA-SYRIA
* Justice and Development Rights Association
* Karam Foundation
* Kesh Malek
* LACU
* Lelun association for victims
* Lyktan Sweden
* Mahabad Organization for Human Rights MOHR
* Malva for Arts
* Mazaya Women’s Organization
* MedGlobal
* Mnemonic – Syria Anrchive
* Mobaderoon
* Musawa
* Music Friends Association
* Ornina
* PÊL- Civil Waves
* Rise together Initiative
* Souriyat Across Borders ( SAB)
* Space Of Peace
* SYE Initiative
* Synergy Association for Victims
* Syrian American Medical society
* Syrian Forum
* Syrian Network for Human Rights
* Syrian Network In Denmark
* Syrian Women’s Association
* Taafi initiative
* The Syria Campaign
* The Syrian Center for Media and Freedom of
* Expression
* The Syrian Legal Development Programme
* Together for Aljarnya
* Transformative pathways
* Truth and Justice Charter
* Truth Guardians
* Vision
* Warsheh Team
* Women now for development
* Women’s Voice team
* Youth empower platform
* Zorna development organization

At present, the UK’s ability to prosecute grave international crimes under universal jurisdiction is limited. The Joint Committee on Human Rights (JCHR) has criticised the current legal framework for creating “barriers to accountability”. This briefing supports the proposed recommendation from the JCHR and the International Development Committee and outlines the practical consequences if the law is not reformed. Adopting these amendments would close a loophole, empower prosecutors to more effectively exercise universal jurisdiction, and help ensure the UK does not become a safe haven for those accused of international crimes.

Syrian Civil Society Recommendations to the Syrian Government, the National Commission for Transitional Justice, and State Parties to the OPCW
TO THE SYRIAN GOVERNMENT

Ensure a Holistic National Response to CW across Ministries and within Transitional Justice Framework
A holistic approach to transitional justice requires that the Syrian government coordinate efforts across all relevant ministries (including justice, health, social affairs, and foreign affairs) together with the National Commission for Transitional Justice. The government has a duty to guarantee that each ministry incorporates transitional justice considerations into its sectoral strategies related to CW, thereby fulfilling Syria’s obligations under international human rights and international humanitarian law.

Ratify the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court (ICC)
The Syrian government should ratify the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court (ICC). This step is crucial not only to enable Syria’s engagement with international accountability mechanisms but also to serve as a structural guarantee of non-repetition, ensuring that future violations of this scale and nature are deterred through credible avenues for justice.

Continue Full Transparency and Compliance with OPCW Obligations
The Syrian government should continue to engage and cooperate in a genuine and transparent manner with the Organisation for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons (OPCW), including by providing full disclosure of CW sites, production facilities, and stockpiles. The government must also ensure the destruction of remaining CW traces within the country, in compliance with OPCW verification standards.

TO THE NATIONAL COMMISSION FOR TRANSITIONAL JUSTICE

Implement a Comprehensive Survivors-Based Approach to Truth, Justice, Reparations, and Non-Recurrence
The National Commission on Transitional Justice bears the responsibility of designing and implementing a comprehensive strategy that integrates truth-telling, accountability, reparations, and institutional reforms to address the use of Chemical Weapons by the former regime of Bashar al-Assad and ISIS. International standards emphasize the indivisibility of these pillars.

Ensure Criminal Justice Reforms to Effectively Prosecute CW-related Crimes, including by advocating for the Ratification of the Rome Statute
The National Commission for Transitional Justice, as an independent body, should play an active role in advocating for Syria’s ratification of the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court (ICC). In parallel, it should also promote reforms to align Syrian legislation with international criminal law and human rights standards, ensuring that chemical weapons–related crimes, alongside other core international crimes, are properly codified in domestic law and can be effectively prosecuted.

Integrate Domestic Transitional Justice with International Universal Jurisdiction Proceedings
The National Commission for Transitional Justice should establish mechanisms to engage with ongoing universal jurisdiction cases abroad. This includes systematically documenting evidence and coordinating with relevant Syrian civil society organizations, including CW survivors-led groups, and foreign prosecutors. Such integration not only strengthens the credibility of domestic transitional justice measures but also ensures that Syrian victims benefit from accountability processes outside Syria. A fragmented approach that ignores UJ proceedings risks duplicating efforts and undermining victim-centred justice.

Develop Effective Institutional Coordination with International Investigative Mechanisms
The National Commission for Transitional Justice should establish effective institutional coordination procedures and channels with international mechanisms that have documented and collected evidence of CW-related crimes in Syria in the past decade, including the CoI, IIIM and OPCW-mandated entities (FFM, JIM, IIT). The coordination should ensure evidence preservation, consolidation and access to evidence for future domestic prosecutions, in accordance with international law standards.

Apply a Gender-Sensitive Approach to Chemical Weapons-Related Violations
The National Commission for Transitional Justice must ensure that its truth, justice, and reparations strategies incorporate a gender-sensitive perspective in relation to the impact of chemical weapons attacks. Women and girls, as well as men and boys, experienced differentiated harms, including health consequences. Reparations programs must reflect these gendered harms, ensuring access to healthcare and psychosocial support. Such commitment to a gender-sensitive approach must be grounded on and built upon the expertise and experiences of Syrian civil society organizations, including women-led organizations and CW-survivors led groups, which had led this work in the past decade.

Guarantee Victim/Survivor-Centered Approach and Civil Society Engagement and Partnerships in Transitional Justice Processes
The National Commission for Transitional Justice should institutionalize mechanisms to ensure the meaningful participation of victims and survivors of CW attacks, both individually and through victims’ associations, in the design, implementation, and monitoring of transitional justice strategies. Processes must be tailored to prioritize victims’ rights to truth, justice, reparation, and guarantees of non-repetition. The Commission should establish structured engagement with Syrian civil society organizations, which have played a critical role in documenting violations, amplifying victims’ voices, and advancing accountability on the CW file in the past decade. Effective engagement with civil society not only enhances legitimacy and inclusivity but also strengthens oversight and accountability of transitional justice institutions.

TO OPCW STATE PARTIES

Promote Comprehensive Accountability for Chemical Weapons Crimes
While the Syrian government initiates domestic pathways for accountability through the National Commission for Transitional Justice, the international community and States Parties to the OPCW must also play a role in ensuring that perpetrators, enablers, and facilitators of chemical weapons crimes in Syria are held accountable. This requires action across several fronts:

* Enforcement of Arrest Warrants: States must cooperate with French judicial authorities and other jurisdictions that have issued arrest warrants against senior Syrian officials.

* Preventing Safe Havens: States hosting suspects must not allow their territory to become a refuge for perpetrators. They should conclude extradition agreements with Syria’s government or with other jurisdictions exercising effective jurisdiction on the crimes.

* Corporate and Third-Party Liability: Accountability must extend to companies and intermediaries that supplied chemical precursors or equipment used in Syria’s chemical weapons program. States should investigate and prosecute their national companies that supplied chemical precursors or equipment used in Bashar al-Assad’s chemical weapons program.

Secure Evidence Preservation from International Mechanisms
Over a decade of investigative work by bodies such as the OPCW Fact-Finding Mission (FFM), the Joint Investigative Mechanism (JIM), and the Investigation and Identification Team (IIT) has produced an unparalleled body of evidence and expertise. As these mechanisms approach the end of their mandates, the international community must ensure effective preservation, consolidation, and accessibility of their archives for future accountability processes. Without sustained investment in preserving these evidentiary and technical records, future prosecutions risk being undermined by evidentiary gaps.

Support Syria’s Genuine and Sustained Engagement with the OPCW
Following the fall of the Assad regime, Syria’s government will remain bound by their obligations under the Chemical Weapons Convention (CWC). The international community should provide technical, financial, and political support to enable full cooperation with the Organisation for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons (OPCW).

Draw Lessons from Syria to Strengthen the Universal Prohibition of Chemical Weapons
The Syrian case illustrates both the catastrophic consequences of chemical weapons use and the critical importance of a robust, enforceable international regime. States should systematically extract and apply lessons learned from the use of CW by the former Bashar al-Assad regime to reinforce global prevention and ensure that no other civilian population will be subjected to the same atrocity crimes in impunity. This includes ensuring consistent political enforcement of the prohibition, closing international legal gaps that allowed perpetrators to evade justice, and ensuring rapid-response mechanisms for investigation, attribution, and effective deterrence.

LIST OF SIGNATORIES
* The Syrian Legal Development Programme
* The Syrian Network for Human Rights
* The Syrian Centre for Media and Freedom of Expression (SCM)
* Syrian American Medical Society (SAMS)
* Do not Suffocate Truth Campaign
* Women Now for Development
* Justice Association for Victims of Chemical Attacks in Syria (JA Syria)
* MedGlobal
* Badael
* Syrian Forum
* The Syria Campaign

First Edition of the General Principles – August 2025
Today, a genuine opportunity exists for Syrians to reclaim their country and outline the features of a new future and a new social contract founded upon justice, truth, accountability, and the rule of law. Seizing this opportunity necessitates a serious addressing of the legacy of authoritarianism, grave human rights violations, international crimes, and deep societal rifts caused by over a decade of conflict following decades of systematic authoritarianism and oppression.

Amid the official steps being undertaken by the transitional government on the path of justice, truth, and remedy—such as the establishment of the National Transitional Justice Commission and the National Commission for the Missing and the commencement of their operations, in addition to the issuance of Presidential Decree No. (149) appointing the members of the National Transitional Justice Commission—there arises an urgent need to establish a clear and transparent national framework for these pathways. This framework must be based on constant communication from the government and ensuring access to the necessary information. It should guarantee a comprehensive vision grounded in human rights principles and inclusive of all affected groups, while also ensuring this pathway is harmonized with other relevant steps, such as those being taken by the Ministry of Justice to hold figures of the former regime accountable.

International experiences have shown that the success of transitional justice pathways requires a comprehensive national consensus that reflects the interests of all victims without discrimination and ensures their active participation in shaping their future. In the Syrian context, where political, institutional, security, economic, and social challenges are deeply intertwined, the necessity of such a framework becomes even more pressing, serving as the guarantor for any serious and effective justice process.

Over the past years, civil society organizations and victims’ families’ associations have played a pivotal role through their expertise in documentation, legal support, advocacy, combating impunity, preserving collective memory, and countering attempts to close the files of violations without accountability. At this stage, despite the challenges, these entities must continue to play a vital role as the expertise, technical support, and access they bring to the table can contribute to enhancing the work of national institutions and ensuring their independence, as well as the inclusivity and fairness of the process.

Hence, it is important that civil society organizations and victims’ families’ associations declare a shared commitment to general principles that unify their vision and guide their collective action to achieve remedies for all victims and safeguard the dignity and rights of all Syrians without discrimination. No transitional justice pathway in Syria will succeed unless it is founded upon clear principles agreed upon by all relevant stakeholders, thereby transforming justice into a genuine instrument for building a state of equality and the rule of law.

Therefore, the undersigned civil society organizations and victims’ families’ associations, who contributed to the preparation of this document, concur on the General Principles listed below. These principles represent the minimum consensus required to establish a comprehensive pathway for justice, truth, and remedy in Syria—one that ensures redress for victims and their families, achieves justice, and guarantees the non-recurrence of crimes and violations in the future.

The undersigned organizations call on the Transitional President of the Syrian Arab Republic, Mr. Ahmad al-Sharaa, to fully and publicly release the report of the National Committee for Investigation and Fact-Finding on the Coast Events (excluding the annexes). We further call on the government to share the measures it will take to hold perpetrators from all sides accountable. These steps are essential to ensuring victims’ rights to truth, recognition, justice, and reparation, both for those directly affected by violations in Syria and for society as a whole. They are also a prerequisite for preventing future abuses. Preventive measures must begin with uncovering the truth, acknowledging past violations, and committing to holding perpetrators accountable.

The full public release of the report is a cornerstone for restoring truth and rebuilding public trust, especially in the face of the extensive disinformation campaign that accompanied these violations. It also serves as an official acknowledgment of the harm inflicted upon victims and a signal of the transitional government’s commitment to legal and institutional action that ensures victims’ rights without discrimination.

Under international law, the Syrian people have the right to full and comprehensive truth. This includes knowing how, when, and why violations occurred, as well as access to information about the circumstances and actions that enabled or contributed to them, including any failure or negligence by the transitional government to prevent or respond promptly. The right to the truth also includes formal recognition of the victims and acknowledgment of the harm they endured and the experiences they lived through.

Accordingly, in addition to releasing the full report, the undersigned organizations urge the transitional government to:

• Accompany the report’s release with an official acknowledgment of its findings and a public commitment to fully and transparently implement its recommendations. This commitment should go beyond disclosure to clarify how the government will respond to the violations identified.

• Immediately begin implementing the report’s findings and recommendations as a top priority, and share comprehensive plans outlining the measures to be taken, including how all perpetrators from all sides will be brought to justice, and what institutional reforms will be enacted to prevent recurrence. The transparent development and sharing of these comprehensive plans is vital to ensuring accountability and prosecuting all those involved, especially given the transitional government’s obligation to pursue those responsible for serious violations and to guarantee non-recurrence.

• Ensure that prosecutions are effective, independent, impartial, and fair, and fully aligned with international human rights law.

The massacres in the Coast marked a turning point in Syria’s already fragile transition, deeply damaging the country’s social fabric. Today, many Syrians fear that the ongoing violence in Suwayda may prove to be an even more destructive turning point. We thus emphasize that transparency in publishing investigations and their findings is a fundamental safeguard against recurrence. A serious response to these investigations is essential to restoring the rule of law and ending impunity, paving the way toward sustainable civil peace and stability. No meaningful transition can take place amid unchecked weapons, absent state institutions, and a lack of independent judicial accountability.

Signatory Organizations:
Syrian Legal Development Programme (SLDP) – Syrian Center for Media and Freedom of Expression (SCM) – Syrian Network for Human Rights (SNHR) – Women Now for Development – The Day After (TDA) – Syria Justice and Accountability Center (SJAC) – The Syria Campaign Dawlaty – Dar Justice – Verify-Sy – Lawyers and Doctors for Human Rights (LDHR) – Civil Peace Group (Seen) – Truth and Justice Charter (Ta’afi Initiative) – Ta’azur Association – Coalition of Families of Persons kidnapped by ISIS (Massar) – Families for Freedom (FFF) – Caesar Families Association – Families of Truth and Justice

The story of the Syrian Legal Development Programme (SLDP) is a reflection of the upheavals and transformations of the Syrian revolution. It is not merely the story of a human rights organization, but a chronicle of sustained struggle—one that brings together legal innovation, deep faith in justice, and the ability to adapt to a complex and ever-changing reality.

Foundation in Exile: Revolutionary Seeds in an International Legal Landscape

At the revolution’s outset in 2011, many Syrians in exile believed in their people’s cause and shared hopes for freedom and dignity. SLDP’s founders engaged in UK protests and began leveraging their expertise in international law and human rights to build effective legal tools and institutions.

The Law in Action (2013–2015): Obligations in a Time of Arms

As armed opposition forces expanded their control on the ground, SLDP began in 2013 to deliver training on international humanitarian law and international human rights law to non-state armed actors assuming public functions in areas outside the regime’s control. In 2014, in partnership with other organizations, SLDP launched a project focused on fair trial guarantees in these areas, aiming to develop a judicial model that upheld human rights despite the fragile security and political context.

The Transformation Phase (2016–2019): Prioritisation and Civil Institution Building

As civil society emerged as a more prominent actor, SLDP recalibrated its priorities. Through the International Law Support Unit, the ad-hoc legal support focused on supporting Syrian civil society organizations through advanced training in international human rights law, international humanitarian law and international criminal law (including,documentation of violations, and evidentiary standards). The objective was no longer only accountability, but also building civil institutions capable of advancing human rights and fundamental freedoms—even in the absence of a political breakthrough.

In 2019, SLDP launched its Business and Human Rights Unit—an innovative step within the Syrian context. This unit was a response to growing concerns about the role of private companies—Syrian and international—in financing conflict actors or exploiting instability for economic gain at the expense of fundamental rights.

This initiative marked a new direction for SLDP, integrating economic justice into the broader pursuit of transitional justice in Syria. It was one of the first Syrian rights initiatives to address the intersection between economics and human rights through a structured, institutional approach.

The Consolidation Phase (2020–2023): Protracted Impunity and Strategic Adaptation

As the Syrian conflict evolved into a protracted regional crisis and persisting impunity environment, SLDP, through its International Law Support Unit, expanded its ad-hoc legal support to emerging associations of victims, survivors and families of victims, with the aim to empower and accompany such groups in advocating for their rights to truth, justice and remedy.

In the same period, SLDP entered a phase of internal development—strengthening its institutional structure, updating internal policies and procedures. In 2021, SLDP underwent a leadership transition: founding Executive Director Ibrahim Olabi stepped down, and Sana Kikhia assumed the role, leading a phase of long-term strategic planning, supported by a Board of Directors that included Olabi and co-founder Zahra Al-Barazi.

The Historic Turning Point (2024–2025): The Fall of the Regime and the Beginning of Reconstruction

December 2024 marked a historic turning point with the fall of the Assad regime—a development that reshaped the civil and political landscape. Members of SLDP’s Board of Directors transitioned into advisory legal roles within the Ministry of Foreign Affairs under the Transitional Government and formally resigned from the Board and all other roles and responsibilities at SLDP, in alignment with our conflict of interest policy and to uphold the organization’s independence and integrity. SLDP entered a new phase, preserving its founding principles, independence, and alignment with international law standards and human rights guarantees.

This phase focuses on supporting state-building and transformation efforts grounded in the rule of law and accountability, with a renewed emphasis on transitional justice, guarantees of non-recurrence and democratic transformation, addressing economic crimes, and advancing corporate human rights due diligence. The organization is now guided by a new Board of Directors, including lawyer Ilham Saudi, lawyer Nadim Houry, and Dr. Mohammad Katoub.

Accordingly, the organization launched a new vision under the name “SLDP Free”—a phase that builds on over a decade of experience, but introduces fresh tactics aligned with the challenges and opportunities of a post-Assad Syria. It benefits from a more open civic and human rights space and from Syria’s renewed momentum for justice, accountability, and the chance to rebuild institutions in a way that ensures the rule of law, non-recurrence, and the protection of human rights and fundamental freedoms.

From revolution, to war, to the fall of the Assad regime, SLDP stands as a clear example of Syrian civil society’s resilience and capacity for legal and rights-based resistance, even under the harshest conditions. Today, SLDP faces a historic responsibility: to translate its long-standing struggle into accountable and rights-affirming institutions that advance accountability and rule of law, ensure guarantees of non-recurrence and democratic transformation, and restore Syrians’ trust in law, good governance and justice.

“The journey of the Syrian Legal Development Programme is living proof of our collective belief that the law can be a tool of both resistance and reconstruction. From the time of defiance to this new era of rebuilding, we move forward with a renewed vision and a unique and dedicated team that is deeply attuned to justice and human rights. Not only our mission of building a Syria based on rule of law and human rights hasn’t changed; instead, it has finally been enhanced by the ability to bring our legal expertise and strategic approach in Syria, with Syria, and for all Syrians’’ — Sana Kikhia, Executive Director of the Syrian Legal Development Programme